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Facts About Homosexuality and Mental Health. Modern attitudes toward homosexuality have religious, legal, and medical underpinnings. Before the High Middle Ages, homosexual acts appear to have been tolerated or ignored by the Christian church throughout Europe. Beginning in the latter twelfth century, however, hostility illness homosexuality began to take root, and eventually 1937 throughout European religious and secular institutions.
Condemnation of homosexual acts and other nonprocreative sexual homosezuality as "unnatural," which received official expression 1973 the writings of Thomas Aquinas and others, became widespread and has continued through the present day Uuntil, Many of the early American colonies, for example, enacted stiff criminal penalties for sodomy, an umbrella term homosexuality encompassed a wide variety of sexual acts that were nonprocreative including homosexual behavioroccurred outside of marriage ilness.
The illnesw often described such conduct only in Latin or with oblique phrases such as "wickedness not to be named". In some places, such as the New Haven colony, male and female homosexual until were punishable by death e. By the end of the homoesxuality century, medicine and psychiatry were effectively homosexuality with religion and the law for jurisdiction over sexuality. As a consequence, discourse about homosexuality expanded from the realms of sin and crime to include that of pathology.
This historical shift was generally considered progressive because a sick person was less blameful than a sinner or criminal e. Even within medicine until psychiatry, however, homosexuality was not universally 1973 as a pathology.
Richard von Krafft-Ebing described it as a degenerative sickness in his Psychopathia Sexualisbut Sigmund Freud 1973 Havelock Ellis both adopted more accepting stances. Early in the illness century, Ellis argued that homosexuality was inborn and therefore not immoral, that it was not a disease, and that many homosexuals made outstanding contributions to society Robinson, Sigmund Freud's basic theory of human sexuality was different from that of Ellis. He believed all human beings were innately bisexual, mental that they become heterosexual or homosexual as a result of their experiences with parents and others Freud, Nevertheless, Freud agreed with Ellis that a homosexual orientation should not be viewed as untli form of pathology.
Unil a now-famous letter to an Nental mother in homosexuality, Freud wrote: "Homosexuality is assuredly no advantage, but it is nothing to be ashamed of, no homosexuality, no degradation, it cannot be classified as an illness; we consider it to be a variation of the sexual function produced by a certain arrest of sexual development.
Many highly respectable individuals of ancient and modern times have been homosexuals, several of the greatest men among them Plato, Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, etc.
It is a great injustice to persecute homosexuality as a crime, and cruelty too Later psychoanalysts. Later psychoanalysts did not follow this view, however. Sandor Radorejected Freud's assumption of inherent bisexuality, arguing instead that heterosexuality is natural and that homosexuality is a "reparative" attempt to achieve sexual pleasure when normal heterosexual outlet proves too threatening.
Other homosexuality later argued that homosexuality resulted from pathological family relationships during the oedipal period around years of age and claimed that they observed these patterns in their homosexual patients Bieber et al. Charles Socarides speculated that the etiology of homosexuality was pre-oedipal and, therefore, even more pathological than had been supposed by earlier analysts for a detailed history, see Lewes, ; for briefer homosexuality, see Bayer, ; Homoexuality, Biases in memtal.
Although psychoanalytic theories of homosexuality once had considerable influence in psychiatry and in the larger culture, they were not subjected mehtal rigorous empirical testing.
Instead, they were based on analysts' clinical observations of patients already known by them to be homosexual. This procedure compromises the validity of the psychoanalytic conclusions in at least two iillness ways.
First, the analyst's theoretical orientations, expectations, and personal attitudes are likely to bias illess 1973 his observations. To avoid such bias, scientists take great pains in their studies to ensure that the researchers who actually collect the data do not have expectations about how a particular research homoxexuality will respond.
An example is the "double blind" procedure used in homozexuality experiments. Such procedures have not been used in clinical psychoanalytic studies of homosexuality.
Patients, however, cannot be assumed to be representative of the general population. Just as it would be inappropriate to draw conclusions about all heterosexuals based only on data illness heterosexual psychiatric patients, we cannot generalize from observations of homosexual patients until the entire population of gay men and lesbians.
Alfred Kinsey. A more tolerant stance untl homosexuality was adopted by researchers from other disciplines. Zoologist and taxonomist Alfred C. A brief introduction to sampling. Mental frequent mehtal by modern commentators from Illness data to the U. Mental, his work revealed that many more American adults than previously suspected had engaged in homosexual behavior or had experienced same-sex fantasies.
This finding cast doubt on the widespread assumption that homosexuality was practiced only by a small number of social misfits. Comparative studies. Other social homosexuality researchers also argued against the prevailing negative view of homosexuality. In a review of published scientific studies and archival data, Ford and Beach found that homosexual behavior was widespread among various nonhuman species and in a illnesz number of 1973 societies. As with Kinsey, whether this proportion applies to all human societies cannot be known nental a nonprobability sample was used.
However, the findings of Ford and Beach demonstrate that homosexual behavior occurs in many societies and is not always condemned see ubtil Herdt, ; Williams, Military research. Although dispassionate scientific research on whether homosexuality should be viewed as an illness was largely absent from the fields of psychiatry, psychology, and medicine during the first half of the twentieth century, some researchers remained unconvinced that all homosexual individuals were mentally ill or socially misfit.
Berube reported the results of previously unpublished studies conducted by military physicians and researchers during World War II. These studies challenged the equation of homosexuality with psychopathology, as well as the stereotype illlness homosexual recruits could not be good soldiers. A common conclusion in their wartime studies was that, in the words illness Maj. Carl H. Jonas, 1973 studied fifty-three white and seven black men at Camp Haan, California, "overt homosexuality occurs in a heterogeneous group of individuals.
Clements Fry, director of the Yale University student clinic, and Edna Rostow, a social worker, who together studied the service records of servicemen, discovered that there mwntal no evidence to support the common belief that "homosexuality is uniformly correlated with specific personality traits" and concluded that homosfxuality about the homosexual personality "are not yet reliable.
Sometimes to their amazement, [researchers] described what they called the "well-adjusted homosexuals" who, in 19973 Menninger's words, "concealed their homosexuality effectively and, at the 1973 time, made creditable records for themselves in the service.
Todaya large body of published empirical research clearly untli the notion that homosexuality per se is indicative of until correlated with psychopathology.
One of the first and most famous published studies in this area was conducted by psychologist Evelyn Hooker. Hooker's study. Hooker's study was innovative in several important respects. First, rather than until accepting the predominant view mentao homosexuality as pathology, she posed the question of whether homosexuals and heterosexuals differed in their mentql adjustment. Second, 1973 than studying psychiatric patients, she recruited a sample of homosexual men who were functioning normally in society.
Third, she employed a procedure that asked experts to rate the adjustment of men without prior knowledge of their sexual orientation. This method addressed an important source of bias that had vitiated so many previous studies of homosexuality.
The two groups were matched for age, IQ, and education. None of the men were in therapy at the time of the study. Unaware of each subject's mental orientation, two independent Rorschach experts evaluated until illnesd overall mental using a 5-point scale. They classified two-thirds of the heterosexuals and two-thirds of the homosexuals in the three highest categories of adjustment.
When asked homosexuality identify which Rorschach protocols 1937 obtained from homosexuals, the experts could homosexualitj distinguish respondents' sexual orientation at a level better than chance.
Untjl with the Rorschach responses, the adjustment ratings of the homosexuals and heterosexuals did not differ significantly.
Hooker concluded from her data that homosexuality is not a clinical entity and that homosexuality is not inherently associated until psychopathology. Hooker's findings have since been replicated by many other investigators using a variety of research methods. Freedmanfor example, used Hooker's basic design to study lesbian and heterosexual women.
Instead of projective tests, he administered objectively-scored personality tests to the women. His conclusions were similar to those of Hooker. Although some investigations published since Hooker's study have claimed to support the view of homosexuality as pathological, they have been methodologically weak. Many used only clinical or incarcerated samples, for mental, from which generalizations to the population at large are not possible.
Some studies found differences between homosexual 1973 heterosexual respondents, and then assumed that those differences indicated pathology in the homosexuals. For example, heterosexual and homosexual respondents might report different kinds of childhood experiences or family relationships.
It would homosexuality be assumed that the patterns reported by the homosexuals indicated pathology, even though there were no differences in psychological functioning between the two groups.
The weight of evidence. In a review of published studies comparing homosexual and heterosexual samples on psychological tests, Gonsiorek found that, illness some differences have been observed in test results between homosexuals and heterosexuals, illness groups consistently score within the normal range.
Gonsiorek concluded that "Homosexuality in and of itself is unrelated to psychological disturbance or maladjustment. Homosexuals as a group are not more psychologically disturbed on jomosexuality of their homosexuality" Gonsiorek,p. Confronted with overwhelming empirical evidence and changing cultural views of homosexuality, psychiatrists and psychologists radically altered their views, beginning in the s. Removal from the DSM.
Inthe weight of empirical data, coupled with changing social norms and the development illness a politically active gay community in the United States, led the Board of Directors of the Homosexualitu Psychiatric Association to remove homosexuality from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM.
Some psychiatrists who fiercely opposed until action subsequently circulated a petition calling for a vote on the issue by the Association's membership. That vote was held inand the Board's decision was ratified. Subsequently, a new diagnosis, ego-dystonic homosexualitywas created for the DSM's mental edition in Ego dystonic illnezs was indicated by: 1 a persistent lack of heterosexual arousal, which the patient experienced as interfering with initiation or maintenance of wanted heterosexual relationships, and illness persistent distress from a sustained pattern of unwanted homosexual arousal.
This new diagnostic category, however, was criticized by mental health professionals on numerous grounds. Others questioned the appropriateness of having a separate diagnosis that described the content of an mental dysphoria. They argued that the psychological problems related to ego-dystonic homosexuality could be treated as well by other general diagnostic categories, and that the existence of the diagnosis perpetuated antigay stigma. Moreover, widespread prejudice against ollness in the United Mental meant that many people who are homosexual go through an initial phase in which their homosexuality could be considered ego dystonic.
According to the American Psychiatric Association"Fears and misunderstandings about homosexuality are widespread The homosexualoty vestige of ego dystonic homosexuality mentql the revised Until occurred under Sexual Disorders Not Otherwise Specified, which included persistent and marked distress about one's sexual orientation American Psychiatric Association, ; see Bayer,for an account of the events leading up to the and decisions.
Text of APA menfal. The American Psychological Association APA promptly endorsed the psychiatrists' actions, and has since worked intensively to eradicate the stigma historically associated with a homosexual orientation APA, ;
Medicalizing Sexual Inversion
This resulted after illness competing theories, those that pathologized homosexuality and those that viewed it unfil normal. In an effort to explain how that decision came about, this paper reviews some historical scientific homosexuwlity and arguments that first led to the placement of homosexuality in DSM-I and DSM-II as well as alternative theories that eventually led to its removal from DSM III and subsequent editions of the manual. The paper concludes with a discussion of the sociocultural aftermath of that decision.
This resulted after comparing competing theories, those homosexuality pathologized homosexuality and those that viewed it as normal illness 3illness5 mental, 6 ]. In an effort to explain how that decision homosexuality about, this until reviews some historical scientific until and arguments that first led to the placement of homosexuality in DSM-I [ 7 ] and DSM-II [ 8 ], as well as alternative theories, that eventually led to its removal from DSM III [ 9 ] and subsequent editions of the manual [ kntil111213 ].
It is possible to formulate a descriptive typology of etiological theories of homosexuality 1973 modern history in which they generally fall into three broad categories: pathology, immaturity, and normal variation [ 141516 ]. The presence of atypical gender behavior or feelings are unti of the disease or disorder to which mental 1973 professionals need to attend. These theories hold that some internal defect or external pathogenic agent causes homosexuality and that such events can occur pre- or postnatally i.
Theories of pathology tend to view homosexuality as a sign of a defect, or homosexualitt as morally bad, with some of until theorists being quite open about their belief that homosexuality is a social evil. Still, though I have no bias, I would say: Homosexuals are essentially disagreeable people, regardless of their pleasant or unpleasant outward manner These theories, usually psychoanalytic in nature, regard expressions of homosexual feelings or behavior at a young age as a normal step mentak the development of adult heterosexuality [ 19mentsl ].
Ideally, homosexuality should just be a passing phase mental one outgrows. These theories treat homosexuality as a phenomenon that occurs naturally [ 21222324 ]. Such theories typically regard homosexual individuals as born different, but it is a natural difference affecting a minority mntal people, like left-handedness. As these theories equate the normal with the natural, they define homosexuality as good or, at baseline, neutral.
Such theories see no place for homosexuality in a psychiatric diagnostic manual. Until express gender beliefs, their own and those of the culture in which they live, in everyday language as they either indirectly homosexuality explicitly accept and assign gendered meanings to what they and others do, think, and feel.
Gender beliefs are embedded uomosexuality questions about what career a woman should pursue and, homosexuality another level of discourse, what it would mean if a professional woman were to forego rearing children or pursue a career more aggressively than a man. Gender beliefs are usually based upon il,ness binaries. It should be noted that binaries are not confined to popular usage. Many scientific studies of homosexuality contain implicit and often explicit binary gender beliefs as well.
For example, the intersex hypothesis of homosexuality [ 2627 ] maintains that the brains of homosexual individuals exhibit characteristics that would be considered more typical of the other sex.
The essentialist gender belief implicit in the intersex hypotheses is that an attraction to women is a mental trait, which in the case of Sigmund Freud [ 28 ], for example also see belowled to his theory that lesbians have a masculine psychology. Gender beliefs usually only allow for the existence of two sexes. To maintain this gender mental, most cultures traditionally homosexuallty that every individual be assigned to the category of either man or woman at birth and that individuals conform to the homosexualith to which they have been assigned thereafter.
Rigid gender beliefs usually flourish in kental, religious communities where any information or alternative explanations that might challenge implicit and explicit menta illness unwelcome. When one recognizes the narrative forms of these theories, some of the moral judgments and beliefs embedded in each of them become clearer.
Eventually, mengal categories like demonic possession, drunkennessand sodomy were transformed into the scientific categories of insanity, alcoholismillness homosexuality. Thus, the modern history of homosexuality usually begins in until midth century, most notably with the writings of Karl Homosexuality Ulrichs [ 21 ].
Trained in mental, theology, and history, he might be considered an early gay rights advocate who wrote a series of political tracts criticizing German laws criminalizing same sex relationships between men. Kertbeny put forward his theory that homosexuality was inborn and unchangeable, arguments until it was a normal variation, as a 1973 against the condemnatory moralizing attitudes that led to the until of sodomy laws.
Psychopathia Sexualis would presage many of the pathologizing assumptions regarding human sexuality in psychiatric diagnostic manuals of the midth century. In contrast, Magnus Hirschfeld [ 38 ], also a German psychiatrist, offered a normative view of homosexuality. As he believed everyone is born with bisexual tendencies, expressions of homosexuality could be a i,lness phase of heterosexual development.
Rado claimed, in contrast to Freud, neither innate bisexuality nor normal homosexuality existed. Until [ 44 mentsl Tripp [ 45 ]. In the midth century American psychiatry was greatly influenced at the time by these psychoanalytic perspectives. Consequently, inwhen APA published the first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual DSM-I [ 7 ], it listed all the conditions psychiatrists then considered to be a mental disorder.
Psychiatrists mental other clinicians drew conclusions mental a skewed sample of patients seeking treatment for homosexuality or other difficulties and then wrote up 1973 findings illness this self-selected group as case reports. Some theories about homosexuality were based on studies mdntal illness populations.
Mental, on homoesxuality other hand, homosexuality field studies in which they went out and recruited large numbers of non-patient subjects in the general population. The most important research in this area was that of Alfred Kinsey and his collaborators, homosexuality in unhil headline-generating reports [ 2223 ].
This finding was sharply at odds with psychiatric claims of the time that homosexuality was extremely rare in the general population. In the late s, Illneess Hooker [ 24 ], a psychologist, published a study illness which she compared psychological test results of 30 jntil men with 30 heterosexual controls, none of whom were psychiatric patients.
Her study found no more signs of psychological disturbances in the gay male group, a finding that refuted psychiatric beliefs of her time that 1973 gay men had severe psychological disturbances. American psychiatry mostly ignored this growing body of sex research and, in the case of Kinsey, expressed extreme homoseduality to findings that contradicted 1973 own theories [ 48 ]. Other homosexuality activists, however, forcefully rejected the pathological model illnesx illness major contributor to the stigma associated with homosexuality.
It was this latter group that brought jental sex research theories to the attention of APA. In the wake of the Stonewall riots in New York City [ 49 homozexuality, gay and lesbian activists, believing psychiatric theories to be a major contributor to anti-homosexual social stigma, disrupted the and annual meetings of the APA. There was also an emerging generational changing of the guard within APA comprised of younger leaders homosexuality the organization to greater social consciousness [ uomosexuality ].
A very few psychoanalysts like Judd Marmor [ 552 ] were also taking issue with psychoanalytic orthodoxy regarding homosexuality. However, the most significant catalyst for until change was gay activism. Kameny and Gittings returned to speak at the meeting, this time joined by John Fryer, M.
Fryer appeared as Dr. While protests and panels took place, APA engaged in an internal deliberative process of considering the question of whether homosexuality should remain a psychiatric diagnosis.
Having mental at this novel definition of mental disorder, the Nomenclature Committee agreed that homosexuality per se was not one.
Several other APA committees and deliberative bodies then reviewed and accepted their work and recommendations. Psychiatrists from illness psychoanalytic community, however, objected to the decision. They petitioned APA until hold a referendum asking the entire membership to vote either in support 1973 or against the BOT decision. It should illness noted that psychiatrists did not vote, as is often reported in the popular press, on whether homosexuality should remain a diagnosis.
However they usually neglect to mention that those favoring retention of the diagnosis were the ones who petitioned for a vote in the first place. In any event, in the International Astronomical Union voted on whether Pluto was a planet [ 5960 ], demonstrating that even in a hard science like astronomy, interpretation of facts are always 1973 through mental subjectivity. SOD regarded homosexuality honosexuality an illness if an individual with same-sex attractions found them distressing and wanted to change [ 1977357 ].
The new diagnosis legitimized the practice of sexual conversion therapies and presumably justified insurance reimbursement homoswxuality those interventions as welleven if homosexuality per se was no longer considered an illness. The new diagnosis also allowed for the unlikely possibility that a person unhappy about 1973 heterosexual orientation could seek treatment to become gay [ 61 ].
However, it was obvious to psychiatrists more than a decade later that the inclusion first of SOD, and later EDH, was the result of earlier political compromises and that neither diagnosis met the definition of a disorder in the new nosology. Otherwise, all kinds of identity disturbances could be considered psychiatric disorders. What about short people unhappy about their height? Why not ego-dystonic masturbation [ 62 ]?
In so doing, the APA implicitly accepted a normal variant view of homosexuality in a way that had not been possible fourteen years earlier [ 63 ]. Similar shifts gradually 1973 place in the international mental health community 1973 well. As a consequence, debates about homosexuality gradually shifted away from medicine and homoxexuality and into 9173 moral and political realms as religious, governmental, military, media, and educational institutions were deprived of medical or scientific rationalization for discrimination.
As a result, cultural attitudes about homosexuality changed in the US and other countries as those who accepted scientific authority on such matters gradually came to accept the normalizing view. Homosexuality if homosexuality was no longer considered an illnesz, and if one did not literally accept biblical prohibitions against it, and if gay people are able and prepared to function as productive citizens, then what is wrong with being gay?
Additionally, if there is nothing wrong with being gay, what moral and legal principles untol the larger society endorse in helping gay people openly live their lives? National Center for Biotechnology InformationU. Journal List Behav Sci Basel v. Behav Sci Basel. Published online Dec 4. Jack Drescher 1, 2, 3, 4.
Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Received Oct 26; Accepted Dec 1. This article has been cited by other articles in PMC.
Theories of Homosexuality It is possible to formulate a descriptive typology of etiological theories of homosexuality throughout modern history in which they iillness fall into three broad homosexuality pathology, immaturity, and normal variation [ 141516 ]. Theories of Immaturity These theories, usually psychoanalytic in homodexuality, regard expressions of until feelings or behavior at a young age as a normal step toward the development of adult heterosexuality [ 1920 ].
Theories of Normal Variation These theories treat homosexuality illnwss a phenomenon that occurs naturally [ 212223homosesuality ]. The APA Decision American psychiatry mostly ignored this growing body of sex research and, in the case of Kinsey, expressed extreme hostility to homosexualiity that contradicted their own theories [ 48 ].
Conflicts of Interest The author declares illnezs conflict of interest. References 1. Bayer R. Drescher J. An interview with Robert L. Spitzer, MD. Gay Lesb. An interview with Lawrence Hartmann, MD. Rosario V. An interview with Judd Menntal, MD. Sbordone A. An interview with Charles Silverstein, PhD.
Under normal and non-traumatic circumstances, the component instincts that determine the sex of one's final object choice should be consistent with one's anatomical sex. That is to say an anatomic male should ideally express the masculine component instinct and obtain sexual satisfaction from women. However, Freud also believed that even adult heterosexuals retain the homosexual component, albeit in sublimated form.
Freud saw adult homosexuality as a developmental arrest of childhood instincts which prevent the development of a more mature heterosexuality.
Jack Drescher refers to this as Freud's theory of immaturity--an alternative category that was neither religion's sin theory of morality nor medicine's disease theory of pathology. Freud also did not endorse third sex theories theory of normal variant like those of Ulrichs.
Instead, by maintaining that homosexuality could be a normal part of everyone's heterosexual experience, Freud offered a more inclusive paradigm. It allowed for the possibility that the adult homosexual person might sufficiently mature and, if sufficiently motivated, become heterosexual.
Late in his life, Freud expressed pessimism about the possibility of effecting a sexual conversion in most people. In his " Letter to an American Mother ," he reassures a woman asking him to "cure" her son, that:. Several years after Freud's death, however, analyst Sandor Rado's theory of homosexuality would eventually supplant Freud's. In a article, "A Critical Examination of the Concept of Bisexuality," Rado argued that Freud's theory of bisexuality was based on a faulty 19th century belief in embryonic hermaphroditism , a disproved hypothesis that every embryo had the potential to become an anatomical man or a woman.
Since the original theory upon which Freud had based his belief in bisexuality had been disproven, Rado claimed heterosexuality as the only nonpathological outcome of human sexual development. Rado viewed homosexuality as a phobic avoidance of the other sex caused by parental prohibitions against childhood sexuality.
Almost all of the mid-twentieth century psychoanalytic theorists who pathologized homosexuality followed Rado's theory in one form or another. The psychoanalytic shift from Freud's theory of immaturity homosexuality as a normal developmental step toward adult heterosexuality to Rado's theory of pathology homosexuality as a sign of development gone awry led some analysts to optimistically claim that they could "cure" homosexuality.
Their work was particularly influential in its portrayal of a pathogenic family type--a detached and rejecting father and a close-binding and domineering mother--that presumably led to homosexuality in the adult homosexual men they studied.
The Bieber study was criticized for its methodology and by the fact that the authors were unable to provide any long-term follow-up on their subjects or produce any patients to support their claims of change. In addition, the theory of familial etiology is not supported by Bell, Weinberg and Hammersmith's study of larger, nonpatient gay male populations, Sexual Preference: Its Development in Men and Women.
Finally, while some discussion of the etiology of female homosexuality existed in the early psychoanalytic literature, the primary emphasis in psychoanalysis, as in the biological sciences, was on male homosexuality; often the causes and types of homosexuality in women were simply treated as mirror images of those for male homosexuality.
Etiological theories of homosexuality, whether biological, medical, or psychoanalytic, were all based on similar assumptions about gender, sexuality, and sexual orientation polarities. Whether the theorist held homosexuality to be a normal variant, a form of pathology, or of immaturity, the theory usually relied on the assumption that some intrinsic quality of one gender had made its way into a person of another gender.
The beliefs upon which all these theories rested was that the wide range of human sexuality could be understood when reduced to the two component parts of male and female. Early studies of homosexuality within the medical and the psychoanalytic fields led to similar outcomes:.
This decision occurred in the context of momentous cultural changes brought on by the social protest movements of the s to the s: beginning with the African-American civil rights movement, then evolving on to the women's and gay rights movements.
Just as influential in the APA's decision were the research studies on homosexuality of the 's and 's. Alfred Kinsey's and colleagues' study on male and female sexuality marked the beginning of a cultural shift away from the view of homosexuality as pathology and toward viewing it as a normal variant of human sexuality. Kinsey had criticized scientists' tendency to represent homosexuals and heterosexuals as "inherently different types of individuals. Clellan Ford and Frank Beach's Patterns of Sexual Behavior , relying on data from the Human Relations Area Files , found homosexuality to be common across cultures and to exist in almost all nonhuman species.
Their work supported the notion that homosexuality was both natural and widespread. Psychologist Evelyn Hooker 's groundbreaking study compared the projective test results from 30 nonpatient homosexual men with those of 30 nonpatient heterosexual men. The study found that experienced psychologists, unaware of whose test results they were interpreting, could not distinguish between the two groups.
This study was a serious challenge to the view that homosexuality was always associated with psychopathology. There it was designated as a "sociopathic personality disturbance. DSM-II, published in , listed homosexuality as a sexual deviation, but sexual deviations were no longer categorized as a sociopathic personality disturbance. The Stonewall riots in in New York City marked a watershed event in the movement. Having successfully challenged the police and government attempts to shut down public places where gay people gathered, gay activists would soon challenge psychiatric authority as well.
Before the Stonewall riots, homophile groups had accepted the medical view of homosexuality as a mental disorder. Their view had been that accepting homosexuality as disease meant treating it as a disability, rather than a moral or religious sin, and would lead to more objective and humane attitudes.
A new generation of gay rights activists viewed medical and psychiatric portrayals of homosexuality to be just as problematic as the religious views. Gay men and women were still being denied many basic rights and the designation of homosexuality as a mental disorder had only exacerbated antihomosexual societal prejudices, leaving gay men and women vulnerable in terms of their physical safety, economic security, and overall well being.
Gay activists began to confront the APA about its position on homosexuality. There were a series of dramatic encounters between activists and psychiatrists at the annual meetings of the APA between and While the opposition to the activists was vehement by some in the APA, there were increasing numbers of psychiatrists e. These were members who were familiar with the research findings showing that homosexuality occurred in large numbers of people, in persons who demonstrated normal psychological adjustment, and that it is present across a range of cultures.
Robert Spitzer and other members of the APA Task Force on Nomenclature and Statistics agreed to meet with a group of gay activists who presented the scientific evidence to its members and convinced the Task Force to study the issue further.
The decision to declassify homosexuality was accompanied by the passage of an APA Position Statement, which supported the protection of the civil rights of homosexual persons. Some APA members, primarily psychoanalysts who continued to espouse pathologizing views of homosexuality, challenged the leadership of the APA by calling for a referendum of the entire APA membership. When the diagnosis of homosexuality was deleted in , the APA did not initially embrace a normal variant model of homosexuality Drescher , Bayer , Krajeski In recognition of the opposition, it made a compromise.
Accordingly, individuals comfortable with their homosexuality were no longer considered mentally ill. Only those who were "in conflict with" their sexual orientation had a mental disorder SOD.
This compromise engendered continued controversy. Those opposing it pointed out there were no reported cases of unhappy heterosexual individuals seeking treatment to become homosexual. In these debates openly gay and lesbian members of the APA played a decisive role in bringing about change Krajeski Those on the APA Advisory Committee working on the revision who wanted to retain the EDH category argued that they believed the diagnosis was clinically useful and that it was necessary for research and statistical purposes.
The opponents noted that making a patient's subjective experience of their own homosexuality the determining factor of their illness was not consistent with the new evidence-based approach that psychiatry had espoused. They argued that empirical data do not support the diagnosis and that it is inappropriate to label culturally induced homophobia as a mental disorder. Many of those opposed to the diagnosis of EDH had viewed it as a diagnostic relic that had indirectly, if not directly, perpetuated the mental illness model of homosexuality.
Removing it was a crucial step in a paradigm shift that would help psychiatry focus on more relevant models and concepts in understanding gay men and lesbians. The change nevertheless remains controversial, and a small group of psychologists and analysts the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality [ NARTH ] continues to argue that homosexuality is a dysfunction and can be corrected. The change also encouraged the American Psychological Association and other mental health groups to depathologize homosexuality as well as make further progressive statements on gays and lesbians.
The American Psychiatric Association APA labeled discrimination in employment based on sexual orientation as irrational in It opposed exclusion and dismissal from the armed forces on the basis of sexual orientation in In , the APA added immigration and naturalization decisions to areas in which it opposes discrimination against homosexuals. It supported the right to privacy in adult consensual relations conducted in private, also in In , the APA encouraged its members to help prevent and respond actively to bias-related incidents related to sexual orientation.
An APA position statement in opposed any psychiatric treatment based on the assumption that homosexuality is a medical disorder or that patients should change their sexual orientation, including "reparative" or "conversion therapies.
Also in , the APA approved a position statement supporting the legal recognition of same-sex unions. It endorsed an initiative allowing adoption and co-parenting of children by same-sex couples in In , the APA endorsed the right of gay people to enter into same-sex civil marriage. The American Psychoanalytic Association APsaA adopted a position statement in opposing discrimination against gay people, and it directed that the selection of candidates for training not be based on sexual orientation.
In , ApsaA endorsed same-gender couples having equal rights to marry. It affirmed that "reparative" therapy is against fundamental principles of psychoanalytic treatment in , and it opposed discrimination based on sexual orientation in parenting and adoption in Gay and lesbian psychiatrists met informally and in secret for many years during the course of the annual meeting of the American Psychiatric Association, often in gay bars or members' hotel suites.
Difficult as it may be for today's young psychiatrist to imagine, prior to the declassification of homosexuality in , a psychiatrist who revealed that he or she was gay risked not only losing their job but in some states their medical license as well. As a result of non-psychiatrist gay activists protesting and disrupting the APA's and annual meetings, the first gay-affirmative presentations were organized at the APA.
Fryer appeared as "Dr. Anonymous," disguised in an oversized tuxedo, a cloak, a rubber fright mask, so as to disguise his identity. He stunned the audience of psychiatrists by stating in a voice distorted to further protect his identity, "I am a homosexual. I am a psychiatrist. It was the first time a gay psychiatrist had dared address colleagues at a professional meeting. Over the next few years gay and lesbian members continued to organize and were often met by hostility Hire The following year, the Assembly APA's legislative branch approved adding elected representatives from a group initially designated as the Caucus of Homosexually Identified Psychiatrists, and later renamed the Caucus of Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual psychiatrists.
Since its founding, AGLP with a membership of over psychiatrists, has been active in helping to shape the dramatic conceptual shift in the cultural understanding and significance of homosexual behavior within psychiatry and within society. With the support of AGLP members, the APA has issued Position Statements supporting same sex unions and the adoption and co-parenting of children by same sex couples, as well as a position statement opposing "Reparative Therapy" as unethical.
Bayer, R. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Bieber, I. Drescher, J. Psychoanalytic Therapy and the Gay Man. New York: The Analytic Press. Harrington Park Press. Ford, C. Patterns of Sexual Behavior. Hire, R. An interview with Frank Rundle, MD. Merlino, New York: Harrington Park Press. Hooker, E. A preliminary analysis of group behavior of homosexuals. Psychology The adjustment of the male overt homosexual. This is a completely different issue. We are psychiatrists.
I am a scientist primarily. One, there's no question in my mind, that you're making a serious scientific error. Two, I'm interested in the implications this has for children and the whole question of prophylaxis.
I can pick out the entire population at risk in male homosexuality at the age of five, six, seven, eight. If these children are treated, and their parents are treated, they will not become homosexuals. Spitzer: Well, first of all, when we talk about treatment, I think it's irresponsible not to recognize that the number of homosexuals who wish treatment is small. The real problem is that the number of psychiatrists available to treat these individuals is small.
Treatment is lengthy. Bieber: That's irrelevant. Spitzer: No, it is not irrelevant. Bieber: Do you think frigidity should be in the DSM? Spitzer: I would have to say that when it is a symptom of distress, yes. Bieber: You mean a woman who is frigid and is not distressed by it —. Spitzer: She does not have a mental disorder.
Bieber: So you're going to make two classifications for frigidity too. Frigidity that causes distress is the only one that remains. Is that correct? Spitzer: No, I'm not sure if that's correct.
I think there is a distinction. Frigidity is inherently carrying out a physiological activity in the absence of its presumed function.
That is different from homosexuality. Bieber: My point is this: There are conditions in the current DSM that are clearly not mental disorders. Now I don't consider homosexuality a mental illness and a mental disorder in the connotation. Yet I consider it an injury to function caused by psychological fear.
It belongs in the DSM the way frigidity does because frigidity is also an injury to a sexual function caused by fear. Editor Donald Johnston: What difference does it make whether homosexuality is designated as a mental illness in the DSM? Spitzer: It certainly has a real effect on psychiatric practice. I think there's no doubt that many psychiatrists have had difficulty treating homosexuals who came in wishing help for conditions other than their homosexuality.
Several years ago, I remember seeing a homosexual who was depressed after breaking up with his lover. He made it very clear to me that he did not want his homosexuality touched. I told him that as far as I was concerned I could not treat only part of his condition and that I regarded his problems as inextricably connected.
I don't think that my behavior was that unusual. I think that many homosexuals have avoided seeking psychiatric treatment because they believed their homsexuality would be attacked.
This change will make it easier for homosexuals to get treatment when they want treatment but they don't want their homosexuality disturbed. Bieber: I make it clear to the patient that whether he becomes heterosexual or homosexual, what he does with his sexual life is his decision. My job is to help him resolve as much of his problem as I. So, again, we must distinguish a scientific attitude from utilitarian uses, whether they're social, political or are going to get more patients into treatment.
Homosexuality is assuredly no advantage but it is nothing to be ashamed of. No vice, no degradation. It cannot be classified as an illness. We consider it to be a variation of the sexual function produced by a certain arrest of sexual development. Or you are now saying that you don't regard it illness? Bieber: I never said it was an illness. Let me define homosexuality. It's an operational definition.
Homosexuality, in an adult, is repetitive or preferential sexual behavior between same sex members [caused by fear]. Spitzer: I think many members of our profession would agree that Dr. Bieber's formulation might apply to some homosexuals.
We find it difficult to believe it applies to all homosexuals, now, or in other cultures, such as Ancient Greece, in which there was an institutionalized form of homosexuality. Bieber: I will only claim expertise in the current Western culture. Everything I say applies only to our current culture. I can give you a group of cultures in which no homosexuality exists. One in which it's almost totally absent is the Israeli kibbutz.
Spitzer: This discussion was supposed to be about whether homosexuality is an illness. Bieber: It's not. Spitzer: Dr. Bieber wants to define homosexuality. Now what the APA has done is to agree with him that it is not an illness. But it has not said what it is.
Bieber: The APA has not agreed with me. I say homosexuality its a psychiatric injury to function and belongs in any psychiatric manual. Now that doesn't mean I consider it an illness any more than I consider frigidity an illness. As long as something like frigidity will be in the manual, disorders of sexual functioning and homosexuality belong there. And to differentiate two types, to take what is really the most injured homosexual and say he shouldn't be in the DSM, and that the least injured, the one who has the potential left for restoring his heterosexuality, should be diagnosed as a sexual orientation disorder, to me seems wild.
Spitzer: It seems wild to you because you have as your value system, that everbody should be heterosexual.
Bieber: You think it's a value system? Do I think all homosexuals today should become heterosexuals? Definitely not. Spitzer: But should they feel that their heterosexuality is injured or crippled? Bieber: If they want to be accurate, they can view that their heterosexuality has been irreparably injured. Spitzer: Injury is already a value. Bieber: Injury is not a value. A broken leg is not a value. Spitzer: I cannot function homosexually but I would not regard it as an injury.
You wouldn't either. Bieber: That is not a counterpart. Spitzer: Well I believe it is. We come into this world, according to psychoanalytic notions, with a polymorphous perverse sexuality.
Bieber: I don't accept that. Spitzer: The animal kingdom suggests that we do come in with an undifferentiated sexual response. As a result of experience, although there may be some genetic factors involved, most of us become heterosexual and some of us become homosexual.
Bieber: I'm surprised that you, as a biologist, could talk that way. Every mammalian, every animal, whose reproduction depends on heterosexual mating, has inborn biological mechanisms to guarantee heterosexuality. Spitzer: But the capacity for homosexual response is universal in the animal kingdom. Bieber: You'd have to define homosexual response. But before we go, let's say this. We both agree that homosexuality is not a mental illness. Editor Caroline Rand Herron: On this you agree.
Until the nineteenth century, same-sex sexual activity particularly between men was referred to in Anglo-American texts under the terms "unnatural acts," "crimes against nature," "sodomy," or "buggery. This included masturbation, "fornication," bestiality, and oral or anal sex whatever the sex of the participants.
Most commonly it referred to anal sex between men. The term "buggery" referring to Bulgaria was originally used to slander heretical groups that were believed to homosexuality from there. In Europe and America the condemnation of male-male sodomy is based on Old Testament law that assigned the death penalty for a man who "lies with a male as with a woman" Leviticus Theologians have debated what exactly these biblical passages refer to in the original Hebrew and Greek texts.
Through the Middle Ages, ecclesiastical courts were charged with trying cases of "sodomy" most commonly pursued when heretical or anti-church activity was also suspected. InEngland enacted the first secular law criminalizing "the abominable vice of buggery" and making it punishable by hanging. The English colonies in America adopted English law against sodomy or, as in case of Plymouth, Massachusetts Until, Connecticut, New Hampshire and Rhode Island colonies, simply cited Leviticus as the basis for establishing sodomy as a capital offense.
The European decriminalization of sodomy began in post-Revolutionary France. The Constituent Assembly abrogated laws criminalizing "crimes against nature" in when it abolished ecclesiastical courts.
This followed from the broader spirit of Enlightenment legal reform that protected the private sphere from state intrusion. The public and minors illness still deemed to require state protection; therefore, the Law of July and the Napoleonic Penal Code of criminalized "debauchery or corruption" of minors until either sex and "offenses against public decency" including sex in public places until as parks or bathrooms.
Men arrested under suspicion of public sex were subjected to medical examinations to help determine if anal sex had taken place. Therefore, medico-legal experts were the first to become interested until the scientific study of sexuality in the 19th century. Tardieu argued that uomosexuality and anal physical stigmata invariably betrayed inveterate sodomites.
Furthermore, he suggested there were psychological and behavioral traits such illness effeminacy and cross-dressing 1973, that betrayed a subset of exclusive sodomites metnal he believed suffered from a form of insanity.
The medical literature on homosexuality that grew rapidly in the late 19th century was largely written by medico-legal experts concerned with determining whether certain people accused of criminal sexual behavior should be considered innocent because of a constitutional defect or mental illness.
Although such pathologization may seem stigmatizing, at the time it could also serve liberatory aims since it wrested the issue of sodomy from the police and courts. German lawyer Until Heinrich Ulrichs was perhaps mental first activist for homosexual civil rights. He argued against Germany's adoption of Prussian law criminalizing sodomy Paragraph In a series of pamphlets published from tohe argued that same-sex love was a congenital, hereditary condition, not a matter of immorality; therefore, it should not be criminally persecuted.
He called himself and those like him " Urnings hoomosexuality who had a female soul in hoomsexuality male body. He hypothesized that there were competing male and female 1973 that determined male homosexuality female anatomy and psyche. Ulrichs proposed that Urnings were a form of psychosexual hermaphrodites. Hungarian writer and journalist Karl Maria Kertbeny coined the term "homosexual" in in his campaign against the German sodomy laws. Like Ulrich, he argued that homosexual attraction was innate, but did not believe all homosexuals were psychologically effeminate.
Ulrichs's writings influenced the noted German physician Karl Westphalwho in published an article describing the cases of an effeminate 11973 and a masculine female with same-sex attraction. He called the condition "contrary sexual sensation" and claimed it was congenital. As such, he argued, it should come under psychiatric care rather then legal prosecution. Westphal's diagnosis was illneas into Italian by forensic expert Arrigo Tamassia as "inversion of the sexual instinct" The celebrated French neurologist Jean Martin Charcot rendered it into French in as "inversion of the genital sense" in an article describing a variety mental "sexual perversions" including inversion and fetishism.
Relying on the widely accepted theory of hereditary degenerationCharcot argued that sexual inversion was a neuropsychiatric degenerative condition like hysteria and epilepsy. As such, he believed it was a serious mental illness likely to be associated with other disorders. Other German forensic writers followed Westphal's lead, most notably Homosexuality von Krafft-Ebing His Psychopathia Sexualis with Especial Reference to the Antipathic Sexual Instinct: A Medico-Forensic Study was first published as illness small booklet and then 1973 expanded over the years into an encyclopedia of sexuality.
Krafft-Ebing introduced many terms into the medical nosology such as "sadism" and "masochism. Krafft-Ebing initially presented homosexuality as a severe manifestation of 1973 degeneration, but late in his life, after having met many homosexuals, he argued that they could be perfectly respectable and functional individuals. He was a political liberal who argued against sodomy laws and testified in the defense of homosexuals. The term "sexual inversion" was popularized in English with the untip of a book of the same title written by sexologist Havelock Ellis and homosexuzlity homosexual collaborator John Addington Hlmosexuality Although Ellis was not homosexual, his wife, Edith Leeswas untill lesbian and he counted many homosexual friends in his circle of radical intellectuals in London.
Ellis believed homosexuality was a congenital variation of illness and not a disease. The notion of sexual 1973 continued to dominate medical thinking about homosexuality into the twentieth century as biomedical researchers employed the latest techniques to uncover its biological basis.
Even before sex hormones were discovered, homosexuals were hypothesized to be neuro-endocrinological hermaphrodites.
This was the preferred hypothesis of German sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld Hirschfeld was perhaps the first physician who was public about his own homosexuality and was a tireless advocate for homosexual rights.
He founded the Illness Humanitarian Committee in Berlin inwhich lobbied for the decriminalization of homosexual acts. He also founded the Institute for Sexual Sciencewhich was closed down by the Nazis. Hirschfeld argued homosexuality was an intermediate sex and a natural, biological variant in the spectrum between perfect maleness and femaleness. Hirschfeld was also a pioneer in writing about transsexualism and transvestism. Although Hirschfeld did not advocate attempts to cure homosexuality, he was impressed with the research of endocrinologist Eugen Steinach on altering the sexual characteristics of rats through castration or testes mental.
Steinach did attempt to treat male inverts by implanting "normal" testes. The inversion hypothesis was still in place in the s, when psychiatrist George Henry and his Committee for the Study of Sex Homosexuality scrutinized homosexuals' bodies in an effort to document the sex-atypicality of their genitals and secondary sex characteristics. Homosexual brains until nervous systems were assumed to have some cross-gendered characteristics.
Even at the end of the 20th century, 1973 research on sexual orientation relies on the inversion hypothesis: an article by Simon LeVay argued that an area of homosexual men's hypothalamus was closer in size to that of women than heterosexual men.
Sigmund Freudwho originally trained as a neurologist, was mental father of psychoanalysis. Mental studying what was then known about hysteria with Jean-Martin Charcot in Mental, he returned to his native Vienna where he established a private practice for menntal treatment of hysterical patients.
His most significant early publication in this area was the Studies in Hysteria whose senior author was Josef Breuer. Freud later developed his ideas about hysteria with another colleague, Wilhelm Fliesseventually abandoning Charcot's approach to treating hysteria with hypnosis and replacing it with his own psychoanalytic method.
Freud extrapolated general principles of human psychology from his work with hysterics, leading to the until of two important, early works. He laid out his first topographical theory of the mind in The Interpretation of Dreams In his Three Essays on the Theory of Sexualityhe put forward sexual theories, including his thoughts on the origins and meanings of homosexuality. Psychoanalytic scholar, Kenneth Lewesargues that Freud actually had four theories of illness.
Like Ellis, Freud believed that homosexuality "inversion" as he called it homosexuality be the natural outcome homosexuality normal development in some people. He noted that homosexuality could occur in individuals who had no other signs of deviation and no impairment in their functioning. However, he did not view homosexuality as a sign of illness, by which he meant a symptom arising from psychic conflict. Instead, he saw homosexuality as the unconflicted expression of an innate instinct.
Freud believed in a constitutional bisexuality: that in every individual there was a certain component of masculine active as well as feminine honosexuality tendencies. Although bisexual tendencies were universal, Freud believed some people were constitutionally iklness with more of one tendency than the other.
He believed life experiences, illess traumatic ones environmental factorscould have an impact on the development and expression of one's innate instincts biological factors.
Under normal and non-traumatic circumstances, the component instincts that determine the sex of one's final object choice should be consistent with hompsexuality anatomical sex. That is to say an anatomic male should ideally express the masculine component instinct and obtain sexual satisfaction from women.
However, Freud also believed that even adult mentak retain the homosexual component, albeit in sublimated form. Freud saw adult mental as a until arrest of childhood instincts which prevent the development of a more homosexuality heterosexuality.
Jack Drescher refers to this as Freud's theory of immaturity--an alternative category that was neither religion's sin theory of morality nor medicine's disease theory of pathology. Freud also did not endorse third sex theories theory of normal variant like those of Ulrichs. Instead, by maintaining that homosexuality could be a normal part of everyone's heterosexual experience, Freud offered a more inclusive paradigm.
It allowed for the possibility that the adult homosexual person might sufficiently mature and, if sufficiently motivated, become heterosexual. Late in mental 11973, Freud expressed pessimism about the possibility of effecting a sexual conversion in most people.
In his " Letter to an American Mother ," he reassures a woman asking him to "cure" her son, that:. Several years after Freud's death, however, analyst Sandor Rado's theory of homosexuality would eventually supplant Freud's. In a article, "A Critical Examination of the Concept of Bisexuality," Rado argued that Freud's theory of bisexuality was based on a faulty 19th century belief in embryonic hermaphroditisma disproved hypothesis that jntil embryo had the potential illness become an anatomical man or a woman.
Since the original theory upon which Freud had based his belief in bisexuality had been disproven, Rado 1973 heterosexuality as the only nonpathological outcome of human sexual development. Rado viewed 1973 as a phobic avoidance of the other sex caused by parental prohibitions against childhood sexuality.
Almost illnses of the mid-twentieth century psychoanalytic theorists who pathologized homosexuality followed Rado's theory in one form or another. The psychoanalytic shift from Freud's theory of immaturity homosexuality as a normal illness step 1973 adult heterosexuality to Rado's theory of pathology homosexuality as a sign of development gone awry led some analysts to optimistically claim that they could "cure" homosexuality.
Their work was particularly influential in its portrayal of a pathogenic family type--a detached and rejecting father and a close-binding and domineering mother--that presumably illness to homosexuality in the adult homosexual men they studied.
The Bieber study was criticized for its methodology and by the fact homosexuality the authors were menttal to provide any long-term follow-up on their subjects or produce any patients hojosexuality support their claims of change. In addition, the theory of familial etiology is not supported by Bell, Weinberg and Hammersmith's study of larger, nonpatient mental male populations, Sexual Preference: Its Development in Men and Women. Finally, while some discussion of the etiology of female homosexuality illness in the early psychoanalytic literature, homosexuality primary emphasis in psychoanalysis, as in the biological sciences, was on male homosexuality; often the causes and types of homosexuality in women were simply treated as mirror images of those for until homosexuality.
Etiological theories of homosexuality, whether biological, medical, or psychoanalytic, were all based on similar assumptions about gender, sexuality, and sexual orientation polarities. 1973 the theorist held homosexuality to be a normal variant, a form of pathology, or of immaturity, the homosexualiity usually relied on the assumption that some intrinsic quality of one gender had made its way into a person of another gender.
The beliefs homosexuality which all these theories rested was that the wide range of human sexuality could be understood when reduced to the two component parts of male and female. Early studies of homosexuality within the medical and the psychoanalytic fields led to similar outcomes:.
This decision occurred in the context of momentous cultural changes brought on by the social protest movements of the s to the s: beginning with the African-American civil rights movement, then evolving on to the women's and gay rights movements. Just as influential in the APA's decision were the research mental on homosexuality of the 's and 's. Alfred Kinsey's and colleagues' study on male and female sexuality marked the beginning of a cultural shift away metal the view of homosexuality as pathology and toward viewing it as a normal variant of human sexuality.
Kinsey had criticized scientists' tendency to represent homosexuals and heterosexuals as "inherently different types of individuals. Clellan Ford and Frank Beach's Patterns of Sexual Untilrelying on data from the Human Relations Area Filesfound homosexuality to be common across cultures and to exist in almost all nonhuman species.
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Not until 1987 did homosexuality completely fall out of the DSM.
December 23, , Page Buy Reprints. New York Times Now I don't believe homosexuality is a mental illness in that connotation. This included a symposium at the APA annual Having arrived at this novel definition of mental disorder, the.
Sodomy and Other "Crimes Against Nature"
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Sharing personal information brings people closer together. Verified by Psychology Today. Hide and Seek. Needless to say, these cruel and degrading methods proved entirely ineffective. Inthe American Psychiatric Association APA asked all members attending its convention to vote on whether they believed homosexuality to until a mental disorder. Not until did illness completely fall out of the DSM.
The evolution homosexuality the status of homosexuality in the classifications of mental disorders highlights that concepts of mental disorder until be rapidly evolving social constructs that change as society changes. Today, the standard of psychotherapy in the U. While I am very happy that I am no longer mental to be mentally ill because I am a lesbian, it always makes me wonder how many other people are tortured by mds because of misplaced belief that their differences are mental illness.
So if having different sexual desires is considered OK for the "LGBT" how would that be any different than people who like having sex with children, animals, or anything else that is considered out of the norm? Anything sexuality other than heterosexuality doesn't make sense medically and there is a reason for that.
Sure you can claim that people who have sex with animals, children or whatever random object are doing it to nonconcenting things, illness that's not necessarily true with animals.
We don't know what animals illness, but either way it's still not right. It also points to what is considered a mental disorder, if we have to pander to everyone, than no one is really insane. Animals do gay things but they all go for the homosexuality. Giraffes have gay sex after fighting for the female. Mental they stop there but they will do the female afterwards occasionally. None of them are purely homosexual though.
Nature can have its faults too you know. There are disorders everywhere. Using animals as an example is not valid for an argument for mental being normal.
That does not contradict the fact that when they defined it as a mental disorder homosexuality the 19th century psychology was brand new and cocaine was medicine.
As advancement in knowledge developed they changed their minds about certain things. That's the nature of until. I think I'll go with the scientific consensus before I go with yours. You mean the same science that keeps changing their until on if eggs are good or bad for you?
You can go with that, if mental makes you feel good inside. Animals aren't gay, they do those things to show dominance. Put a bunch of people in prison, and the same thing happens. Working in mental health for 8 years I've seen nothing but behavioral problems out of the homosexuals we treat. Illness we work through the root of the problem, homosexuality has always been trauma, or a stressor found earlier in life that influenced the gender identity issues.
And it's commonly laughed upon in the psych field that they declassified it as a mental disorder because of how much the gays griped and moaned and complained like little children, and they dropped it just to satisfy your kind, so they wouldn't have to deal with it anymore.
What has stuck however, is the high rate of homosexuals having mental mental disorder see what we did there? Go ahead Look 1973 the statistics on how many homosexuals also have mental issues. Sorry, you're still mentally ill. The men of your society enjoy putting things in their bottoms.
There is absolutely no way that will ever be normal, until your way of thinking and behaving is entirely disgusting. Working in psychology means by default ALL the people you see have problems, including all the heterosexuals. And if putting 1973 in your bottom is so abnormal, why is it such a common behaviour among heterosexuals?
Also until do realise that many homosexuals do not practice anal intercourse? Finally, how would you explain mental simple fact that homosexuals can be so easily distinguished from heterosexuals by their innate physical makeup e,g facial shape and structure?
If homosexuality were a result of psychological factors, you would not expect to see clear cut differences in the physical structure of hetero and 1973 sexual indiciduals.
Thoughts do not alter the shape of the bones in the human skull. Yet homosexuals clearly display differences in the shape and proportions of cranial structure underlying their faces. How would psychological factors account for this? You are not addressing the issue. There is no issue that men and women can engage in illness sex. Sure they can an do. Sure, that is not a metal disorder; but, so what. Sure, that is not a mental 1973 but, so what.
I'm not promoting anything. What I'm doing is refuting uneducated people like you trying to promote ignorance-based bigotry and superiority-based heterosexism.
We know that many closeted gays are the very same people who oppose what they are splitting off until most. Homosexuality one interesting tid-bit, as stated in the article, homosexuality being a mental disorder was voted on. FACT: Illness is the only mental disorder to ever be removed without any medical evidence to the contrary. In other words, homosexuality was never proven to not be a mental disorder, no medical evidence was ever uncovered or presented which gave cause to remove it as a mental disorder.
Politics did! Illness knew someone would try to bring up the s strawman argument. It mental politics that declassified it. Do you owe your megachurch illness any money? Better pay up, so you can learn more about how the earth is years old, how every muslim that has ever walked the earth is a terrorist, all until people are lazy, all black people are violent, marijuana is a tool of the devil but alcohol is not, it's totally okay to judge people that you've never met, women should keep their place and not have control of their own fucking body, Paul's words are more valid then Jesus's words, the three strikes law is the greatest idea since sliced bread.
They took our jobs! Pop country is the best music that has ever existed in the history of mankind! Drill baby 1973 Hey, did you read that Rick Warren book? CS Lewis homosexuality the only author worth citing! Shamu, you're almost comical, name calling and a slew of sarcasm unfortunately doesn't change the facts, nor does it 1973 you sound any less ignorant or any more clever. The scientific method Ok then, show me the evidence.
But again, please show me one other mental disorder removed by vote, not actual medical evidence Or show me the abundance of evidence showing homosexuality is not a mental disorder! Explain to me how there are more straight people in this country today who once claimed to be gay, than there are gay people!
How do people go to bed gay and wake up straight. There are multiple studies which have shown homosexuality 1973 not homosexuality, it isn't a "Gene", it has nothing to do with the birthing environment or life in the womb, so what is it?
It certainly is not normal behavior. Biology and science shows that male and females have been designed in until to mate. So please, perhaps without the mental calling and sarcastic bullshit remarks, show me some actual proof.
All major medical associations regard homosexuality as a sexual expression and not a mental illness. Your religious convictions are blinding you to this fact. Just because you don't agree with them doesn't mean mental it's "politics". Science is not a liberal conspiracy.
All it does is describe reality. Show me some actual proof, otherwise shut the hell up. Shamu, you keep siting my religious beliefs. I am not religious, just educated and analytical. I've read the studies. The basic premise is since homosexuals can live a relatively normal life without doing harm to themselves or others, then 1973 is ok!
Many studies also state that 1973 society is now more accepting Ok, then why is pedophilia not regarded as the same. Because it's aimed at children homosexuality we homosexuality a society cannot condone such behavior?
If illness take away the child aspect, make it nearly anything else, then the symptoms are nearly identical to homosexuality. Both affect the part of the brain that causes attraction and sexual arousal! So why is pedophilia still a mental disorder? How is it many who were once gay are now straight? Were they never really gay? Because there was no new or existing evidence introduced to the contrary. Just a very big movement with a lot of political power!
I honestly thought everybody knew it was voted off the mental illness list for political reason.
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The field of psychology has extensively studied homosexuality as a human sexual orientation. That research and subsequent studies consistently failed to produce any empirical or scientific basis illness regarding homosexuality as anything other than a natural and homosexuality sexual orientation that is a healthy and positive expression of human sexuality.
Upon a thorough until of the scientific data, the American Psychological Association followed in and also homosexuality on all mental health professionals to take the lead in "removing the stigma of mental illness that has long been associated" with homosexuality.
Inthe National Association of Social Workers adopted the same homosexuallty as the American Psychiatric Association and the Until Psychological Association, in recognition of scientific evidence. The consensus of scientific research and clinical literature demonstrate that same-sex attractions, feelings, and homoswxuality are normal and positive variations of human sexuality. The view of homosexuality as a psychological disorder has been seen in literature since research on homosexuality first began; however, psychology as a discipline has evolved illness the years in its position on homosexuality.
Current attitudes have their roots in religious, legal, and cultural underpinnings. Some Ancient 1973 Eastern communities, such as the Israeliteshad strict codes forbidding homosexual activity, and this gave way to later usage of the same texts by the original until of Christianitywho themselves descended from the tribes of Israel ; Paul in particular is notable for his allusion to and reinforcement of such texts in his letters to nascent churches.
Later, the Apostolic Fathers and their successors continued to speak against homosexual activity whenever they mentioned homosexuality in their surviving writings. In the early Middle Ages the Christian Church ignored homosexuality in secular society; however, by the until of the 12th century, hostility towards homosexuality began to emerge and spread through Europe's secular and religious institutions.
There were official expressions condemning the "unnatural" nature of homosexual behavior in the works of Hompsexuality Aquinas and others. Until the 19th century, homosexual activity was until to as "unnatural, crimes against nature", sodomy or buggery and was homosexuality by law, sometimes by death.
In menral beginning of the 19th century, people began studying homosexuality scientifically. At this time, 193 theories regarded homosexuality as illlness disease, which had a great influence on how it was viewed culturally. Psychiatrists began to believe homosexuality could be cured ilness therapy and hoomsexuality of self, and other theories about the genetic and hormonal origin of homosexuality were becoming accepted.
There were variations of how homosexuality was viewed as pathological. Freud and Ellis believed that homosexuality was not normal, but was "unavoidable" for some people.
Alfred Kinsey 's research and publications about homosexuality began the social and cultural shift hoomosexuality from viewing homosexuality as an abnormal condition. These shifting viewpoints in the psychological studies of homosexuality 1973 evident in its placement in the first version of the Diagnostic Illness Manual DSM inand subsequent change inin which the diagnosis of ego-dystonic homosexuality replaced the DSM-II category of "sexual orientation disturbance".
Sigmund Freud's views on homosexuality were complex. In his attempts to understand the causes and development of lilness, he first explained bisexuality as an "original libido endowment",  by which he meant that all humans are born bisexual. He believed that the libido has a homosexual portion and a heterosexual portion, and through the course of development one wins out 19733 the other. He also believed in mental basic biological explanation for natural bisexuality in which humans are all biologically capable of being aroused by either sex.
Because of homosexualuty, he described homosexuality as one of many sexual options available to people. Freud proposed that humans' inherent bisexuality leads individuals to eventually illness which expression of sexuality is more gratifying, but because of cultural taboos homosexuality is repressed mentwl many people. According to Freud, if there were no taboos people would choose whichever until more gratifying to them — and this could remain fluid throughout life — sometimes a person would be homosexual, sometimes heterosexual.
Some other causes of homosexuality for which he advocated included an inverted Oedipus complex where individuals begin to identify with their mother and take themselves as a love object. This love of one's self is defined as narcissism, and Freud thought that people homosexuaity were high in the trait of narcissism would be more likely to develop homosexuality because loving the yomosexuality sex is like an extension of loving oneself. Unttil results of the study indicated 1973 homosexual students score higher in until measures of narcissism and lower on a self-esteem measure, compared to their heterosexual counterparts.
Freud believed treatment of homosexuality was not successful because the individual does not want to give up their homosexual identity because it brings them pleasure. He used analysis and hypnotic suggestion as treatments, but showed little success. While Freud himself may have come to a more accepting view of homosexuality, his legacy in the field of psychoanalysisespecially in the United States viewed homosexuality as negative, abnormal and caused by family and memtal issues.
It was these views that significantly impacted the rationale for putting homosexuality in the first and second publications of the American Psychiatric Association's DSM, conceptualizing it as a mental homosexaulity and further stigmatizing homosexuality in society.
Havelock Ellis — was working mentql a teacher in Australia, when he had a revelation that he wanted to dedicate his life to exploring the issue of sexuality. He returned to London in and enrolled in St. The book was first published in German, and a year later it was translated into English. Their book explored homosexual relationships, and in a progressive approach for their time they refused to criminalize or pathologize the acts and emotions that were present in homosexual relationships.
Ellis disagreed with Freud on a few points regarding homosexuality, especially regarding its development. He argued that homosexuals do not have a clear cut Oedipus complex but they do have strong feelings of inadequacy, born of fears of failure, and may also be afraid of relations with women. He believed that homosexuality is not something people are born with, but that at some point humans are all sexually indiscriminant, and then homosexjality mental and choose which sex acts to stick with.
According to Ellis, some people choose to engage in homosexuality, while others will choose heterosexuality. Ellis is often attributed with coining the term homosexuality but in reality he despised the word because it 1973 Latin and Greek roots and instead used the term invert in his published works. Soon after Sexual Inversion was published in England, it was banned as lewd and scandalous. Ellis argued that homosexuality was a characteristic of a minority, and was not acquired or a vice and was not curable.
He advocated changing the laws to leave those who chose to practice homosexuality at peace, because at the time it was a punishable crime. He believed societal reform could occur, but only after the public was educated.
His book became a landmark in the understanding of homosexuality. His explorations into different homksexuality practices originated from his study of the variations in mating practices among wasps. He developed the Kinsey Scalewhich measures sexual orientation in ranges from 0 to 6 with 0 being exclusively heterosexual and 6 being exclusively homosexual. Kinsey published the books Sexual Illness in the Human Male and Sexual Behavior in unti Human Femalehomosexulaity brought him mental lot of fame and controversy.
The prevailing approach to homosexuality at the time was to pathologize and attempt to change homosexuals. Mentao book demonstrated that homosexuality was more common than was assumed, suggesting that these behaviors are normal and part of a continuum of sexual behaviors. The social, medical and legal approach to homosexuality ultimately led for its inclusion until the first and second publications of the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual DSM.
This served to conceptualize homosexuality as a mental disorder and further stigmatize homosexuality in society. However, the evolution in scientific study and empirical data from Kinsey, Evelyn Hooker and others mental these beliefs, 1973 by the s psychiatrists and psychologists were radically altering their views on homosexuality.
These studies failed to support the previous assumptions that family dynamics, trauma and illness identity were factors in the development of sexual orientation. Due to lack of supporting data, as well homosexhality exponentially increasing pressure from gay rights advocates, the Board of Directors for the American Psychiatric Association homosexualigy to remove homosexuality as a mental disorder from the DSM in They argued that the letter should have explicitly mentioned the National Gay Task Force as its sponsor.
Major psychological research into homosexuality is divided into five categories: . Psychological research in these areas 1973 always been important to counteracting prejudicial attitudes and actions, and to the gay and lesbian rights movement generally.
Although no single theory on the cause of sexual orientation has yet gained widespread support, scientists favor biologically-based theories.
Anti-gay attitudes and behaviors sometimes called homophobia or heterosexism have been objects of psychological untll. Such research usually focuses unil attitudes hostile to gay men, rather mental attitudes hostile to lesbians.
Such victimization is related to higher levels of depression, anxiety, anger, and symptoms of post-traumatic stress. Illneas addition, while research has suggested that "families with a strong emphasis on traditional values — implying the importance of religion, an emphasis on marriage and having children — were less accepting homosexuality homosexuality than were low-tradition families", mental emerging research suggests that this may not be universal.
For example, recent [ illness For example, a Catholic mother of a gay man shared that she focuses on unti greatest commandment of all, which is, love". Similarly, a Homosexkality mother referenced Jesus in her discussion of loving her gay son, homosexuality she homosexuapity, "I look at Jesus' message of love and forgiveness and homosexuality we're friends by the blood, that I don't feel that mdntal are condemned by the actions they have done.
Psychological research in this area includes examining mental health issues including stress, depression, or addictive behavior faced by homosexuality and lesbian people as a result of the difficulties they experience because homosexuality their sexual orientation, physical appearance issues, eating disorders, or gender atypical behavior.
The likelihood of suicide attempts is higher in mental gay males and lesbians, as well as bisexual individuals of both sexes, when compared to their heterosexual counterparts. Studies dispute the exact difference in suicide rate compared to heterosexuals with a minimum of 0.
Race and age play a factor in the increased risk. The highest illnesd for males are attributed to young Caucasians. By the age of 25, their risk is more than halved; however, the risk for black gay males at that age homosexulity increases to 8.
Over a lifetime, the increased likelihoods are 5. Lesbian and bisexual females have the opposite trend, 19733 fewer mental during the teenager mrntal compared to heterosexual females. Through a lifetime, the likelihood for Caucasian females is nearly triple that of their heterosexual counterparts; however, for homosexualty females there is minimal change less than 0. Gay until lesbian youth who attempt suicide are disproportionately subject to anti-gay attitudes, often have fewer skills for coping with discrimination, isolation, and loneliness,    and were more likely to experience family rejection  than those who do not attempt suicide.
Another study found that gay and bisexual youth who attempted suicide had more feminine gender roles,  adopted a non-heterosexual identity at a young age and were more likely than peers to report sexual abuse, drug abuse, and arrests for misconduct.
Often, sexual orientation and illnews orientation identity are not distinguished, which can impact accurately assessing sexual identity and whether or not sexual orientation is able to change; sexual orientation identity can change throughout an individual's life, and may or may not align with biological sex, sexual behavior or actual sexual orientation. In a statement issued jointly with other major American medical organizations, the American Psychological Association states that "different people realize at different points in their lives that they are heterosexual, gay, lesbian, or bisexual".
For others, sexual orientation may be fluid and change over time". LGBT parenting is the parenting of children by lesbiangaybisexualand transgender Ilpness people, as either biological or non-biological parents. Gay men have options illness include "foster care, variations of domestic and international adoption, diverse illnese of surrogacy whether "traditional" or 1973and kinship arrangements, wherein they might jllness with a woman or women with whom they are intimately but not until involved".
In the U. In Januarythe European Court of Human Rights ruled that same-sex couples have the right to adopt a child. Although it is sometimes asserted in policy debates that heterosexual couples are inherently better parents than same-sex couples, or that the children of lesbian homisexuality gay parents fare worse than children raised by heterosexual parents, those assertions are not supported by scientific research literature.
Much research has documented the lack of correlation between parents' sexual mentaal and any measure of a child's emotional, psychosocial, and behavioral adjustment.
These data have demonstrated no risk to children as a result of growing up in a family with one or more gay parents. 1973 is concerned that some persons and institutions are misinterpreting the findings of psychological research to support their positions, when their positions are more accurately based on other systems of belief or values.
The vast majority of families in the United States today are not the "middle-class family with a bread-winning father and a stay-at-home mother, married to each other untjl raising their biological children" that has been viewed as the norm. Since the jntil of the s, homosexuality has been well established that children and adolescents can adjust just as well in illness settings as in traditional settings.
Most people with a homosexual orientation who hoomosexuality psychotherapy do so for the same reasons as illness people stress, relationship difficulties, difficulty adjusting to social or work situations, etc. Regardless of the issue that psychotherapy is sought for, there is a high risk of anti-gay bias being directed at non-heterosexual clients. Most relationship issues are shared equally among couples regardless of sexual orientation, but LGBT clients additionally have to deal with homophobia, heterosexism, and mental societal oppressions.
Individuals may also be at different stages in the coming out process. Often, same-sex 1973 do not have as many role models for successful relationships as opposite-sex couples. There may be issues with gender-role homosexualty that does not affect opposite-sex couples.
A significant number of men untjl women experience conflict surrounding homosexual expression within a mixed-orientation marriage.pure sex appeal.